The mentioning of the word ‘insecurity’ raises concern for many Ghanaians who witnessed or experienced the dictatorship of military regimes, especially, under the J. J. Rawlings-led Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC). The violence and human rights abuses under military governments, to a large extent, are firmly ingrained in the collective psyche of the older generation of Ghanaians. The younger and technologically savvy post-PNDC revolution generation is not adamant to the impact of violent politics.
They flip through the history books and watch videos on the internet about brutal civil wars from elsewhere on the globe. There is no denying that the relative violence in other parts of the African continent, especially, reinforces the popular notion that Ghanaians are generally “peaceful by nature”. But the idea that Ghanaians are peaceful by nature is a form of security threat in itself. It appears to undermine the needed for innovative internal security reforms for the sustenance of democratic governance. The very fact that Ghana has never experienced violence on a national scale is no guarantee that it cannot occur.
The work of the security agencies and the establishment of the National Peace Council are testaments to the fact that prevention of violence is better than cure, and security, define here as national and human survival itself, is of paramount importance to the state. Put differently, security is not only about the militaristic protection of the state—what is traditionally referred to as national security. The concept and practice encompasses socio-economic development and has national and human dimensions.
There are two truisms about Ghana as far as security is concerned. First, as mentioned earlier, the country has never experience a civil war on a national scale. Second, Ghana as a sovereign state has never been at war with any state. These truisms, however, do not necessarily mean that the state and people are secured at all times. In practice, there is nothing like absolute security. There are consistent human and national security challenges. Armed robbery, poverty, joblessness of the youth, and police brutalities during demonstrations are just a few examples of human security threats. At the inter-state level the ongoing territorial dispute with the Ivory Coast regarding the discovery of oil is a reminder that Ghana is not absolutely secured from external security threats. International and domestic terrorism add to the milieu of security challenges that Ghana faces. Let us dig a little deeper by refocusing on the dynamics of internal security as related to the 2016 Elections and beyond.
Analytically, Ghana, in its 59 years of existence, has experienced two distinct but interrelated regimes of internal security; first, the rule of men under military governments, and second, the rule of law under constitutional democracy. The dominant feature of the rule of men security regime was the rampant disregard for fundamental human rights principles and due process as prescribed by law. This was largely responsible for the many atrocious crimes in these eras. Readers may recollect that the work of the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) that was established by the Kufour administration sought to put this dark history behind Ghanaians. The content of the NRC report is a guide into the future for the protection of human rights and human security. This dovetails, and reinforces the rule of law security regime that 1992 Constitution seeks to establish.
There is the need to create national consciousness of the fact that Ghana has some distance to cover in terms of constructing a sense of common security that is embedded in a whole-of-society approach, and not what appears to be the ‘renting out’ of security matters to identifiable state institutions. What I mean is that national security, while it remains the ‘privilege’ of constitutionally mandated institutions such as the Ghana Armed Forces (GAF), Police Service, Ghana Immigration Service, Customs Excise and Preventive Service, and Bureau of National Investigations (BNI), is a collective public act. The role of public safety institutions like the police and BNI is not only to enforce laws but also create the environment for security to emerge and established. The public is the primary stakeholder in maintaining national security. In other words, the public is both the object and subject of security. This is firmly embedded in the rule of law security regime of the 1992 Constitution.
It follows that the capability of national security agencies in creating an environment for security to flourish during Elections and beyond is not only predicated on the availability of material, financial and human resources. It is also inextricably linked to the public identity or perception of the security agencies. Following this analogy, and taking a step back into history, it is safe to say that the negative image of the GAF that prevailed under military regimes is gradually been eroded through proactive civil-military relations programs which have become an essential part of their training and community engagement. More importantly, and by default, the armed forces continue to adhere to its mandate under the 1992 Ghana Constitution. The somewhat positive perception of the armed forces appear to be an essential factor in its collaboration with the police and the forestry department to combat illegal logging and ‘galamsey’ operations in the county. On June 24, 2016, the La Dade Kotopon Municipal Assembly solicited the help of the army to address security challenges in the municipality. While this is positive for the army, it also reflects the state of policing and law enforcement in Ghana.
Contrary to the progress that is being made by the GAF, the police and BNI who are constitutionally mandated to maintain internal security appear to have assumed somewhat a belligerent posture against the public, especially, the political opponents of ruling governments. Although it is fair to say that there are several cases under the NPP and NDC governments where the police or BNI acted in unprofessional manner, the problem is worsening in recent times. It is deeply rooted in the perceived corruption and overt politicization of these constitutional institutions for public safety. Ghana Center for Democratic Development Survey in August 2016 saw a decline in public confidence in the NDC government’s effort towards crime and violence prevention from 57% (Afrobarometer 2014) to 48% (Pre-Election Survey 2016).
The Institute of Economic Affairs in a survey in 2015 reported that the police followed by the presidency are perceived by Ghanaians to be the top most corrupt institutions in the country. Additionally, the behavior of the BNI in the two recent cases of the South Africa trio and the Montie trio raises public concern of the politicization of what is legally supposed to be an impartial national security institution. These examples suggest an uncomfortable truth that there is public mistrust of these security institutions, and to some extent, their behavior pose existential threat to the rule of law and human rights protection of all Ghanaians.
The somewhat perennial negative public identity of the police and BNI reinforces the perceived or reality of threats of violence during elections. The public expectation of these security agencies falls below the norm of impartiality and proper conduct of public institutions. The very fact that the police have identified 5000 flashpoints in the upcoming elections is commendable. Yet, we should take a cue from the comment by Dr. Vladimir Antwi Danso on Myjoyonline.com on August 8, 2016 that the situation could be worse than the report of the police suggests. In his view, “all the 29,000 polling stations should be put under that radar.
They are all potential flashpoints. The country is reeling under a psychology that this election is a do-and-die affair. Politics has become a zero-sum game”. While not being dismissive of Dr. Antwi Danso’s argument, the figure from the police alone should be a matter of concern to all Ghanaians that after 24 years of practicing electoral politics, the country is reeling under the fear of an outbreak of violence in the upcoming elections. To live in a state of fear during elections is a little less than the outbreak of violence itself. The continuous deployment of security forces including the police and military to safeguard polling stations and collation centers is a dark spot in Ghana’s 24-years of practicing constitutional democracy.
I do not intend to arouse the fear of Ghanaians by mentioning that the recipes for widespread violence abound in the country. The politicization of chieftaincy disputes and sectarian violence such as in Old Tafo in the Ashanti region for example no longer make these disputes local affairs but national security threats. Moreover, the castigation of ethnic and religious identities through extremist media broadcasting and the reported unsavory religious comments by Hon. Colins Dauda, for example, pose existential threat to society. These security challenges would require professionally-minded and impartial public safety administration by the police and the BNI to address them.
As noted before, the posture of the police and BNI as somewhat belligerent and non-impartial sets them against society and erodes public confidence. The general perception of the police especially is not only about an organization that is corrupt, but as well, it is seen as ‘trigger-happy’ and willing to use force at the least provocation. There are many examples in Ghana’s recent national history to recount in this short piece. But the most recent example is the police brutality on the Let My Vote Count Alliance demonstrators who were pressing on the Electoral Commission for a new voters register. The legal manipulations of the police add to its negative public image.
Until the High Court ruling to prohibit the police from resorting to the Circuit Courts to stifle demonstrations, the police had turned the Public Order Act into a ‘ soft weapon of choice’ to undermine civil rights. Sadly, the IGP’s warning to ban social media on Election Day epitomizes what appears to be the psyche of a public institution that is rapidly severing the idea of collectively working with society to promote human and national security. The IGP’s pronouncement is tantamount to the popular saying that “I will show you where power lies” on the day of the elections. President Mahama’s remark that social media would not be banned appears to have watered down the public apprehension. In short, the perceived corruption and posturing of the police and to some extent the BNI, undermines their moral authority to fighting crime and pursuing the noble function of promoting national and human security.
Dr. Kwesi Aning, while commenting on the Interior Ministry’s 32-day amnesty for the voluntary turn in or licensing of illegal weapons is reported by Myjoyonline.com to have argued that the elections “ have no bearing” on the reason why people seek and posses small arms. Dr. Aning’s call on the Interior Ministry to find out the reasons behind the acquisition of fire arms should be highly commended and taken seriously by the government. Indeed, inadequate financial, human, and material resources for the police to undertake their constitutional mandate of providing public safety need critical attention.
But the resourcing of the police and BNI would make little difference if deeply seated public mistrust of these security institutions is not addressed. Although elections in itself may not necessarily be the reason why people acquire fire arms; it is the single most important ‘passion of the nation’ that is bequeathed to Ghanaians by the Fourth Republican Constitution and could actually trigger the use of fire arms when the public and political parties have little or no expectations for a fair and impartial police service and BNI to investigate and prosecute offenders of electoral malpractices.
The United Nations estimates that there are over 500 million illegal small arms and light weapons in the West African sub-region. That is more than twice the population of the entire sub-region. Ghana’s closest ally (I use the concept of ally loosely to mean the perceived social and economic interaction between these countries), Nigeria, has over 350 million (70%) of these weapons. Ghana has over 2.3 million of these weapons. In view of the porous nature of Ghana’s borders, it should not be difficult to imagine that any trigger of violence would open the doors for swift and massive importation of weapons from the sub-region. The science behind this argument is found in the sad examples of Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast.
To be sure, the greatest security threat that Ghana faces is not external aggression by other states. It is the taken for granted notion that Ghanaians are “peaceful by nature”. This ‘public mindset’ appears to stifle the need to undertake innovative institutional reforms, and public education to ensuring durable peace and security and, in turn, sustain and improve upon the country’s democratic and economic gains. Sustainable internal security would depend highly on the changing of the attitudes of the police service and the BNI especially to win public confidence.
Beyond addressing the financial, material and human resource challenges of the police and BNI to maintaining public order, these institutions of national security need to work hard to (re)gain public trust. The 2016 Elections is an opportunity for them to shirk their belligerent posture and actively begin to recognize the essential role of the public and educate them as partners in the promotion of peace and security. In short, the police and BNI need immediate and proactive public education programs to build strong civil relations in the communities they serve to promote sustainable human and national security.
Edward Akuffo is an associate professor of international security and international relations at the University of the Fraser Valley in Abbotsford, British Columbia, Canada. [email protected]